KENT DAVIES: You are listening to Preserves: A Manitoba Food History Podcast. Exploring the rich, flavourful history of Manitoba food and the people who make it, sell it, and eat it. From the packing table to the dinner table. From restaurant specials to grandma’s secret recipes. We consider the cultural, social, and commercial aspects of Manitoba food and what it means to us. I’m your host Kent Davies. As per usual, I’m joined by Manitoba historian, Professor Janis Thiessen. What’s in the pantry for us today, Janis?

JANIS THIESSEN: Food is an important part of holiday traditions. Last holiday season, three Manitoba food historians presented talks at the University of Manitoba as part of the University’s Institute for the Humanities Research Cluster on Food and Identity. Preserves was there to record the talks, and we want to share excerpts from three of them with you today.

KENT DAVIES: Yes! It’s our holiday special of sorts. There are so many holidays whose traditions really centre around food. In my own family, my mother always made shortbread, peanut butter squares, and butter tarts. For my wife’s family, her sister makes these bierocks or cabbage buns every Christmas eve as an appetizer, which almost spoils my dinner because I eat so many of them. What about you, Janis?

JANIS THIESSEN: One of my favourite Easter foods from my childhood is pluma mouse or pluma moos, I’m told I don’t pronounce it properly; a type of compote made from dried fruits like plums, cherries, raisins, and my favourite: dried apricots. Mom would cook a huge stock pot full of it, and then chill it for serving. Some Mennonite families added milk to theirs, but she added a package of cherry Jello.

KENT DAVIES: Really? Cherry Jello. Was there a reason why?

JANIS THIESSEN: Yeah, it thickens the liquid a bit and it gives it a nice bright red colour.

KENT DAVIES: Well, I guess yeah, I guess bright red is kind of a holiday colour. I guess? Maybe for Christmas I’m not sure for Easter. [both laugh] But yeah, so food manufacturers have long known the importance of food to holiday traditions and have used our desire to recreate these special happy family memories to sell us products. Sarah Elvins, Professor in the Department of History at the University of Manitoba whose research looks at American consumption, shares how magazine advertisements directed at housewives played on their desire for nostalgic family gatherings to not only sell their wares, but sell a vision of the holidays themselves. Let’s have a listen.


SARAH ELVINS: Alright. So today, I thought I would talk about one way in which food traditions are learned and shaped, and that is through advertising. And I wanted to show you a few ads that present a certain vision of holiday tradition and how that changes over time.1 And food advertisers very carefully create messages about tradition, and the labour of cooking that reinforces the sense that the holiday should be a time of extra effort and special foods, and that this is primarily the responsibility of women. Looking at food ads during the holidays, we can also see some of the changes in home cooking and baking that happened over the course of the twentieth century.

I’m going to start us off looking at this ad from 1925 for Swans Down cake flour. This really emphasizes the importance of homemade fruitcake and the superior properties of this specific brand and features a recipe to instruct the home cook. And the copy here: “Christmas is hardly Christmas without homemade fruitcake,” right? You know, you better go and make this if you really want your family to enjoy this holiday!

As we move into the post-war period, convenience food products transformed home baking. This is something that I've been looking at in studying the Pillsbury Bake Off: cake mixes, Bisquick, frozen dough, these all change the task of baking at home. So, it's not surprising that by 1958 you might see an ad like this one from Pillsbury where the role of the cook is very different. Now the cook is using a cake mix and using a box of icing to assemble and decorate and personalize something that is a prepared food product. There's still labor involved; there's still skill involved. But the amount of time is different and the types of work that you're doing is very different if you're using a cake mix and then making it look like a present or something like that.

Baking is a holiday tradition. Of course, that has a long history. But food manufacturers were keen to reshape tradition so that mixes and other time saving products could be incorporated into gift giving and celebration. Here, Betty Crocker offers a recipe book that features Betty Crocker brownie mix, date bar mix, gingerbread mix, and macaroon mix in order for you to personalize and make a gift that you can give over the holidays. The ad says this will produce quote “homemade good cookies quick as a wink.” These ads were directed at women as the cooks and bakers within their households, almost without exception. And Pillsbury and Betty Crocker emphasize that you could keep up tradition but save work and time by using prepared food products. So, this still is a lot more work than going to a bakery and just buying some cookies, right? You never get off the hook entirely. But you can save time, and that this will be as good as homemade. And I think it's not an accident that the ad copy here says “Give your own.” So even though this is coming from a mix, you're putting your effort into it and you are making it your own as you produce it.

So, this was the first image that I had in this presentation. This is Pillsbury hot roll mix being used to create Christmas tree bread. This is a very popular recipe. Pillsbury will run this ad very similarly today. You can see iterations of this going for years and years. So, this does become a tradition in many families. But again, using this convenience product to produce something that says Merry Christmas with a quote “home-baked gift,” so it's still homemade, even though you're using this convenience product. Now there's a very famous story about the advertising consultant Ernest Dichter. He was brought in to help boost sales of cake mixes and he advised General Mills to remove powdered eggs from the mix and to require the breaking of eggs so that people feel like they're participating and feel like they're really cooking instead of using too much of a shortcut by buying a cake mix. So, Dichter argued that by making the mix too easy, this was hurting sales. Increasing the baker's workload would give women a better sense of ownership and pride in their involvement. As we move into the 1960s and 1970s, however, we start to see some pushback on this message and a sense that using a mix might be too much of a shortcut and provide too much of an easy way out. The irony here, of course, is that more women at this point were entering the workforce; they had less actual time to bake. And yet here we see a story that ran in the newspaper in 1965 that looks back fondly on the days when everyone used to be snug in their beds and mom would drag herself out in the dark and cold to slave over a woodstove to bake cookies and provide that kind of magic for the families.

Not surprisingly, Fleischmann’s yeast was a company that really pushed back on the idea of using mixes and instead promoted going the extra mile for the family by baking from scratch. This ad: “Make your husband glad he's yours; be the only wife on your block to bake a beautiful wholewheat bran loaf” really plays into this message of home baking as a sacrifice that you can make and that the payoff here is that your family will be happy. And I think the adoring gaze of the woman watching her husband cut this bread, you know that that message is very strong here. Or something like this: “How not to be taken for granted: bake sticky buns from scratch.” And so again, you have the woman offering the baked goods. The women are never eating in any of these ads. It's always they’re baking for other people's pleasure. And this would be something, it's not every wife who takes the time and trouble to bake from scratch. He'll notice, he'll appreciate, so this is a currency within your marriage to, you know, make this effort and your husband will appreciate. So, during the holidays an ad like this: “Simply for the joy it gives, bake from scratch.” Here you don't even have the woman in the frame. Her hands are offering this Christmas stollen to her family but she's not eating it. It's all about her making this effort for others. What do you put into it? Well, time and love and Fleischmann’s yeast. What do you get out of it? Well, love, smiles, and the feeling you're doing something kind of special. You don't get out of it a delicious thing that you get to eat, right? So this is, the woman is very much the labour for everybody else's enjoyment during the holidays.

The message of feeling guilty for not doing things from scratch had a slightly different twist from Pillsbury by 1967. So, who has time to decorate cakes and cookies for the holidays? I think the expression of this cookie that looks kind of disgusted at having to do all this work over the holidays is quite notable. And the woman, of course, is wearing a Santa hat: she's the one that has to do the magic behind the scenes to make this happen for her family. Luckily, Pillsbury has a solution by offering this product that will make it so that she can bake cookies at home. She can't go and buy cookies; that would be too easy. So still, the work of managing the holidays is still something that you can't escape, but you can make it a little bit easier with this product. And even—this is another yeast. So yeast companies are really, you know, suffering in the 1950s and ‘60s as everybody is using cake mixes. And so, they're trying to get people back using yeast. And so, re-formatting recipes and saying that you can have a “no time to bake” holiday baking, that you can have a recipe that makes it so easy, it makes it possible for you to do this for your family. So, I'm just going to end here with this image of the Pillsbury Doughboy, which again has this message that “Santa has little helpers, why shouldn’t you.?” That the mix or prepared food could be something that is a shortcut for women but is never allowed for— There's no sense here that you could just give up holiday baking entirely! That you're still going to have to put in this kind of work and that sense of guilt. And, you know, the sort of emotional work as well as the work of cooking really falls to the women that these ads are addressed at. So, the underlying message that the holidays require a lot of effort, that baking is an expression of a woman's love for her family, remain remarkably persistent. And that guilt is part of the holiday experience for women. Thanks.

KENT DAVIES: Well, that was fascinating, but also troubling. There’s so much great work out there on the history of food media’s stereotyping of women—and I guess men, too. I’m thinking of the writings of Valerie Korinek and Emily Contois, for example.2

JANIS THIESSEN: Yes! Korinek’s Roughing It in the Suburbs and Contois’ Diners, Dudes & Diets. Great books! Our next reflection is from Erin Weinberg, an instructor in the Department of English, Theatre, Film & Media at University of Manitoba. She shared some of her family’s Ashkenazi Jewish experiences of Hanukkah foods.

ERIN WEINBERG: So, tastes of home. As a white Ashkenazi Jew, I both have a sense of home and very little sense of home. There's this idea of the “old country.” But where that is exactly? Where my people come from, I can't be sure. Somewhere maybe like Ukraine, Poland, Austria, Romania; that's like a very vast region. And my family—I think that perhaps because of the antisemitism that my ancestors perhaps ran from, that there isn't this idea of holding on to that heritage. Only when I got to university did I meet somebody who was genuinely proud to be Polish. And I never thought of my grandmother, my only, my only grandparent who had been born in Europe: it never occurred to me that she would ever be proud of that because of that antisemitism that she was running away from, an antisemitism that predated the Holocaust, that that was just like a cherry on a discrimination sundae. And that often, when I ask my grandparents, they'll just say, “The borders have changed.” That that's kind of—So there are things that tie us to the past. But really, a lot of the way we observe holidays, as diasporic Eastern European Jews, is making our traditions as we go along. So, I wanted to talk about the dreidel which is a symbol; it's a toy that we play with on Hanukkah. We gamble with the chocolate money. And there are four different symbols which represent the initials for “a great miracle happened there.” In Israel, it's “a great miracle happened here.” The dreidels are literally different. So, in this item, we have this encapsulation of this diasporic experience of this distance. Remembering but at the same time, not really sure what we're remembering. Just knowing that we were unsafe and found a way to be safe. So, I would argue that the food that we eat on Hanukkah is how we both look towards the past and the past discriminations, and also celebrate the miracle of freedom.

So, I'll start with the jelly doughnut. So, we call those sufganiyot. And I just think that there's something so fantastic about celebrating with jelly doughnuts! That this is a food that in all other times of the year would be considered the junky-ist type of junk food. But on this day, it's special.That it's like, the calories don't count because we're celebrating our, like, survival over discrimination. And then there's latkes. And latkes are potato pancakes, and my experience with them is making them with my late dad. And the really wonderful thing is that, even though we didn't have, you know, a recipe from the old country, every year we tried something different. Every year, we managed to mess it up a little bit in a different way. To burn ourselves on the hot oil. But it was exciting to try new things. There was the year when we made the latkes on a griddle. There was the year that my dad finally got his dream come true: the deep fryer. Okay, deep fried latkes: suddenly they were 3D, and that was so great. And even now that he's gone, I'm still looking for ways to switch it up, that there's room to switch it up. So, like, making latkes in my waffle iron. Okay, so and then adding to that: we dip the latkes in either sour cream or applesauce. Why? I don't know. But the decision making about whether one prefers sour cream or applesauce is this self-fashioning, is saying, “This is my Jewish identity. I get to choose one of those.” And I don't know, it's as iconic within the Jewish diasporic existence as Chinese food on Christmas Eve. That there might have been an essential reason for it somewhere, but now it's something that we just do. But I would argue that these innovations, like, in making the latkes, trying new recipes, every like five years trying to make like a healthy version with zucchini or sweet potato and it's just really not the point of the fried food at the core. That innovations are self-determination. That there is something really special about, even though we don't have a full sense of where we're from, we are deciding where we're going.

And my last Hanukkah tradition is lighting the candles. And every night, you sing at least two blessings. But on the first night, you sing a third. And I'll read it in English, which is: “Blessed are you, Adonai our God, sovereign of all, who has kept us alive, sustained us, and brought us to this moment.” And as the years go by, this prayer isn't just rote to me, it's something really special that reminds us of survival and the necessity of celebrating where we're at now and what we can do from here. Thank you.

KENT DAVIES: So, holiday food can be a way of both remembering the past and creating a future.

JANIS THIESSEN: Yes. Those foods, and the ways they change over time, can be particularly important for diasporic groups as ways to remember and perpetuate their heritage. Our final speaker, Jennifer Dueck, is an Associate Professor of History at the University of Manitoba where she writes and teaches about food, statelessness, and refugees in the Middle East. She begins by talking about historians Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger and their concept of “invented traditions.”

JENNIFER DUECK: When I was thinking about this panel, I went back to read the introduction (actually by Eric Hobsbawm) to the book that he edited with Terence Ranger called The Invention of Tradition to which the name of this panel, of course, refers. .3 The book came out in 1983. It included articles by these prominent British academics from the rarefied worlds of Oxford and Cambridge. And although holiday traditions are by no means the only or even the main examples discussed in the contributions to that book, they do feature in its first paragraph, with reference to the annual Festival of Nine Lessons and Carols in the Chapel of King's College, Cambridge on Christmas Eve, a concert that turned into a tradition with a much wider audience once the BBC Radio and World Service began broadcasting it. A key contention of Hobsbawm’s introduction is that the rush to invent traditions emerges especially in moments of rupture: situations in which what he calls “the old ways” have been disrupted, eras in which rapid transformations of society are taking place. So, this led me to think about what holiday foods achieve in circumstances marked by rupture and discontinuity. I suggest here that holidays represent a temporary moment of world building on a micro level, usually within households, and that the purpose of creating these temporary holiday worlds is to lean towards both at once the numinous and the raucous. The numinous: meaning our connection to the divine and the sublime, whether we understand that in a theological frame or a wholly secular frame. And the raucous: our need to embrace flights of fancy and boisterous disorder, to upset our usual ways of enacting time and relationship. I think that food is integral to creating these holiday worlds, these ephemeral holiday worlds, that offer both the numinous and the raucous, and that these take on particular importance where traditions have been invented and reinvented owing to deep social or familial rupture. Amid countless possible examples—of which Erin [Weinberg], I think, provided another—of holidays in circumstances and communities marked by rupture, I'll offer the example of Christmas celebration among the Lebanese.

The story of Christianity in the Middle East is one with intense continuities. The Middle East is the birthplace of Christianity, and it's easy to access a sense of this age-old—this age-oldness among Christians of the East. Lebanon is also a society of massive ruptures, its people having lived through decades of civil war in the 1970s and ‘80s, and renewed war again in 2006. Politicians and militias alike express conflict within groups delineated by religious affiliation. Yet at Christmas, the country comes together in enthusiastic celebration: a wild mashup of Eastern Christianity and Western capitalism in which everyone participates with some considerable abandon. I'll refer to three bloggers who have written about Lebanese Christmas in the last few years. One blogger, Viviane, identifies simply as Lebanese.4 She does not identify her religion, but she notes both the production in Advent of all the foods that you have to have on hand at home to welcome guests. And this is liqueur: chocolate, chocolate liqueur or Irish cream liqueur. And then chocolates and dragées to go along with this. And she included on her blog these pictures: like, these are really home photographs, blurry, poor lighting, but no less, I mean, actually wonderfully evocative for that of how the chocolates were arranged on the plate, outlining what specifically, you know, this white chocolate with puffed rice. And then pictures of all of the foods for the Christmas feast. Home photos: pizza, stuffed grape leaves, kibbeh which is Lebanese sort of bulgur meat mixture, pasta salad, baked potato with garlic, a roast with ham and cheese, turkey with rice. This is a mash up of all kinds of foods here. And she finishes with: the most important thing is the nativity set beside the tree which all Lebanese have. Now she doesn't mention what her religion is.

But let's go on to another blogger who is explicitly Muslim Lebanese.5 She talks about her Lebanese Christmas, the hours that her mother spends making out of paper bags a nativity stable and landscape in which she places Jesus and the sheep and the shepherds and the wise men. And this is a family, actually, that is Muslim Lebanese living in Britain. So, then there's this description of the feast that happens. First, samke harra: a large fish marinated and served with a spicy red pepper sauce. Next, a leg of lamb, cooked to falling off the bone perfection, served on a bed of fluffy rice with minced meat, topped with an array of roasted nuts. This takes centre stage right next to the main course, number three: the gloriously slow-cooked turkey. The British and Lebanese cuisines collide with shared jugs of homemade gravy, she says. And the Christmas meal is completed with a classic Christmas dessert in Lebanon, a French bûche de Noël, which is the classic French—the classic Lebanese dessert.

My final example is from a Druze novelist named Rabih Alameddine. Druze family, which is an Arabic speaking—Wikipedia defines them there, not much is known about them. They keep their religious beliefs secret. They're a sizeable minority in Lebanon. And so, they're quite an important demographic in Lebanon, neither Muslim nor Christian. And so, he is from this Druze tradition. And he writes this article about Christmas in Beirut.6 He says,

Every year I try to convince my sister not to celebrate Christmas. I tell her we're not Christians. The family is Druze not Christian. We were raised in a tradition that is not supposed to have silly manifestations of faith. The only feast we celebrate is [Eid al-] Adha, Abraham's sacrifice. We don't have a food orgy at the end of Ramadan. We don't flagellate ourselves during Ashura. And for Christmas, we certainly don't shower our children in gold, frankincense, and Dolce and Gabbana.

His mother always wanted to celebrate Christmas; his father grumbled and disliked it. She, the mother, had been taught by French nuns in Jerusalem where she grew up. The father was Druze from the Lebanese mountain and wanted to stay that way, however much he liked his single malt scotch and worldly travels. So, the mother's tree remains simple. There always was a Christmas tree for the children, he said, but he writes, “my mother's tree has remained simple”—but now he's talking about the next generation—“but not my sister's.”

So, my sister always wants to have the best tree in all of Beirut. Sometime in late November, my sister's home is transformed into a holiday monster. She has a collection of at least two dozen Santa Claus dolls. She has a life-sized red reindeer. She puts lights not just on the tree, but on every plant in the apartment including the cacti. She covers every object in sight with a bowed red ribbon so that it looks like a present. And then she buys a present for every child she's ever met. She drives me crazy. I tell her we're not Christians. She says Christmas has nothing to do with Christianity. I tell her Christmas is a celebration of the birth of Christ. She asks, “Who?” She doesn't stop at Christmas. Of course, she cooks lamb for [Eid al-] Adha, she paints, she hides painted eggs for the children on Easter. She has an orgiastic dinner for all her friends at the end of Ramadan. This year she cooked a giant turkey for American Thanksgiving. I told her she's not American. She told me to stop being a Lebanese peasant from the mountain.

For my part, I spent what are arguably the most formative years of childhood living in East Jerusalem, age six to eleven. My family is Mennonite, not Arab. We're from Winnipeg. My childhood Christmases took place with a walk through the Old City of Jerusalem to attend the midnight candlelight service at the Lutheran church whose tower marks the old city skyline to this day. As most of us find of our childhood worlds, this particular world of my childhood is largely lost to me. And yet that rupture and others that life inevitably brings leave space for the reinvention of traditions that animate and energize. Much like the Lebanese whom I've described here, I take Christmas as a time to generate miniature worlds upon worlds of tradition within my household. I, too, have a nativity set that I set up, one made of olive wood and purchased many years ago in Bethlehem. My Christmas is theologically promiscuous and culinarily eclectic. Alongside my regular impulse to roast a turkey and bake a thousand cookies (yes, the woman in the kitchen!), I also always find myself reaching for my Middle Eastern cookbooks: kibbe this year, bastilla the next. The food production is always a little off scale. My ambitions are always greater than my energies. I can never get the timing right. And there's always a sense of impending chaos in the kitchen. But surely, I tell myself, this space of creativity that I find both raucous and numinous is what holiday cooking is really all about.




SOURCES

1 See Sarah Elvins’ images here.

2 Valerie Korinek, Roughing it in the Suburbs: Reading Chatelaine Magazine in the Fifties and Sixties (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2000); Emily Contois, Diners, Dudes & Diets: How Gender & Power Collide in Food Media & Culture (Chapel Hill NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2020).

3 Eric J.Hobsbawm and Terence O. Ranger, The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge and NY: Cambridge University Press, 1983).

4 “Christmas: A Lebanese Celebration Tale,” The Taste-Buds: A Global Food Blog (25 December 2009).

5 Nicol Lamaa, “A Very Lebanese Christmas,” Lacuna Voices.

6 Rabih Alameddine, “Christmas in Beirut,” The Rumpus (24 December 2010).